10 

'9 
»y 1 




Anticipations op Carter's Voyages, 



1492-1534. 



BY 



JUSTIN WINSOK. 



[One Hundred Copies, privately reprinted prom the Proceedings op 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, January, 1893.] 



CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A. 
JOHN WILSON AND SON. 

1893. 



THE 



Anticipations of Carter's A^otages, 



1492-1534. 



BY 



JUSTIN WINSOK. 



[One Hundred Copies, privately reprinted from the Proceedings of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, January, 1893.] 



CAMBRIDGE,^ U.S.A. 
JOHN WILSON AND SON. 

2Hnibcvsttj |3rrss. 
1893. 
U ■ 



THE 

ANTICIPATIONS OF CARTIER'S VOYAGES, 

1492-1534. 



It was not long after the discovery of Columbus before it 
became evident to some, at least, that he had not found any 
part of the world neighboring to Cathay, however remotely 
connected with the Orient of Marco Polo the new regions 
might prove to be. After the return of Columbus in 1493, 
it is apparent that Peter Martyr hesitated to believe that 
Asia had been reached. It was quite clear on his second 
voyage that Columbus himself felt uncertain of his proximity 
to Asia, when, to preserve his credit with the Spanish sov- 
ereigns, he forced his companions, against the will of more 
than half of them, and on penalty of personal violence if they 
recanted, to make oath that Cuba was an Asiatic peninsula. He 
even took steps later to prevent one of the recalcitrant victims 
going back to Spain, for fear such representations would unsettle 
the royal faith in their having reached the fabled Orient. When 
the pilot, Juan de la Cosa, who was one of those forced to 
perjure themselves, found himself free to make Cuba an island 
in his map of 1500, the fact that he put no Asiatic names on 
the coast of a continent west of Cuba has been held to show 
that the doubt of its being Asia had already possessed his 
mind. The makers of the Cantino and Canerio maps, in 1502 
and 1503 respectively, in putting in a coast for Asia distinct 
from this continent which La Cosa had delineated, establishes 
the point that as early as the first years of the sixteenth 
century the cartographers whose works have come down to 
us had satisfied themselves that areas of land' of Continental 
proportions had blocked farther progress to the west. The 
geographical question then uppermost was thus reduced' to 
this: Was this barrier a new continent, or had the islands 



which it was supposed would be found in the path to Asia 
proved to be larger than was imagined ? It was Columbus's 
purpose in his fourth voyage to find an opening in this barrier 
through which to reach the territories of the Asiatic poten- 
tates and continue the circumnavigation of the earth. It 
may, then, well be questioned if the statement ordinarily 
made, that Columbus in 1506 died in ignorance of the true 
geographical conditions pertaining to a new continent, is true, 
whatever may have been his profession in the matter. There 
is, as we have seen, good ground for the belief that he did not 
mean the Spanish sovereigns to be awakened from a delusion 
in which he deemed it for his interests that they should 
remain. 

When Balboa, twenty years after Columbus's discovery, 
made it more palpable that south of the Isthmus of Panama 
there was a substantial barrier to western progress, and when 
ten years later Magellan pierced this southern barrier at its 
Antarctic extremity, it still remained a problem to find out 
the true character of the northern barrier to western progress, 
and to find a place to enter the land along a northern parallel 
far enough to reach the historic India. 

There were two waterways by which this northern land 
could have been explored far inland ; but for forty years after 
the landfall of Columbus, it is not safe to affirm positively 
that any one had attempted to follow their channels. A local 
pride among the rugged sea-folk of the north of France has 
nevertheless presented claims for our consideration that one at 
least of these passages had been tried at different times early 
in the sixteenth century. Similar claims have been made for 
Portuguese mariners a little later, and before the attempt of 
Cartier. Hakluyt even mentions that the English had known 
at this early date something of this St. Lawrence region ; but 
it is safe to say that no such record is known to-day. These 
great waterways lay within the two great valleys of the yet 
uncomprehended continent of the north, — the Mississippi and 
the St. Lawrence, — which at the west were so closely con- 
nected that the early explorers of the great lakes passed during 
the spring freshets in their canoes from one to the other, by 
that route which enables the modern Chicago to discharge 
its sewage into the Gulf of Mexico instead of the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence. 



The striking experiences of the Spaniards at the south 
served to draw their attention from a due examination of 
the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico ; so that Pineda 
in 1519, in finding a great river flowing from the north, 
which we now identify with the Mississippi, was not prompted 
to enter it in search of gold. This metal was not asso- 
ciated in their minds with such low regions as this river 
apparently drained ; and the white and turbid flow of its 
waters well out into the gulf, as La Salle later noticed, seems 
to have raised no conception of the vast area of its tributary 
watershed. Almost two centuries were to pass before its 
channel was to be fairly recognized as a great continental 
waterway ; and then the explorations which divulged its 
extent were from the north and down the stream. 

The voyages of the Cabots and the Cortereals had been the 
outcome of a national rivalry which had sought for England 
and Portugal some advantage in the north to counterbalance 
that of Spain in the south. It will be remembered that the 
line of demarcation moved westerly by the treaty of Tor- 
desillas, had thrown, it was supposed, these northern regions 
beyond the reach of Spanish rights. Whether the Cabots 
had discovered at the north a gulf to correspond with the 
Mexican gulf at the south, and had found an expanse of water 
which had already coursed another great continental valley, 
and by which it was practicable to go a long distance towards 
the west, must probably remain uncertain. Investigation in 
critical hands has produced a divided opinion. Just what 
the Portuguese, who soon followed the English into these 
waters, did, is also not quite certain; and though it can 
hardly be proved that the Cortereals entered the great north- 
ern gulf, it seems to be evident from a Portuguese portolano 
of 1504, which Kunstmann has reproduced, that at this time 
they had not developed the entrances to this gulf north and 
west of Newfoundland ; while it is clear by the Rein el chart 
of 1505, that they had discovered but had not penetrated 
these passages. 

The student in Europe who curiously watched the progress 
of geographical development beyond the sea during the six- 
teenth century naturally followed the revelations in the, suc- 
cessive editions of the " Geographia" of Ptolemy, with the new 
maps of recent progress made to supplement those long familiar 



6 

as pertaining to the Old World. The man who made the map 
for the Roman Ptolemy of 1507-8 is believed to have been 
a companion of Cabot in these northern voyages ; and this 
work of Johann Ruysch is the earliest engraved map which 
we have showing the new discoveries. This map is interesting 
as making more apparent than La Cosa, seven or eight years 
before, had done, that these new discoveries might have been 
in part along the coast of Asia, bnt not altogether so. There 
is no sign in it of the landlocked region where now we place 
the Gulf of Mexico ; and in this respect it is a strong disproof 
of the alleged voyage of Vespncius in 1497 ; but it does give 
the beginning of a continental area, which was soon to de- 
velop, adjacent to the West Indies, into what we call North 
America. But at the north Ruysch places the discoveries of 
the English and Portuguese unmistakably on the upper Asiatic 
coast; and while he does not dissever Newfoundland from the 
mainland, he goes some way towards doing it. 

So we may say that in 1507, one working in Rome with the 
available material which had been gathered from the Atlantic 
seaports, had not yet reached a conception of this great 
watery portal of a continent which lies back of Newfound- 
land. Whether there might not have been knowledge of this 
great gulf in some of the seaports of northern and western 
France may indeed admit of doubt ; and perhaps some day a 
dated chart may reveal the fact. We need not confidently 
trust the professions of Michel and other advocates of the 
Basques, and believe that a century before Cabot their hardy 
fishermen had discovered the banks of Newfoundland, and 
had even penetrated into the bays and inlets of the adjacent 
coasts. There seems, however, little doubt that very early in 
the sixteenth century fishing equipments for these regions 
were made by the Normans, as Bre'ard chronicles them in his 
" Documents relatifs a la Normand." 

In the very year when the Ruysch map became knosvn 
in Europe (1508), it is claimed by Desmarquets and other 
Dieppese, solicitous for the credit of their seaport, that Thomas 
Aubert went eighty leagues up the St. Lawrence River. If 
this be true, the great northern portal was entered then for 
the first time, so far as we have any record. We learn from 
Charlevoix — too late an authority to be assuring — that Jean 
Denys had made a chart of the west shore of the Gulf two 



years earlier (1506) ; but the evidence to prove it is wanting. 
This map is said to have been formerly preserved in the Paris 
Archives, but is not found there or elsewhere at this day. 
What passes for a copy of it, treasured at Ottawa, shows 
names of a palpably later period. If the original could be 
discovered, it might be found possibly that this nomenclature 
had been added by a more recent hand. There does not seem 
to be anything in the configuration of its shore lines that might 
not have been achieved in 1506 by an active navigator. If 
the outline freed from the names is genuine, it would show 
that there had thus early been explorations to the west of 
Newfoundland, which might account for the otherwise sur- 
prising delineation of the " Golfo Quadrado," or Square Gulf, 
which appeared on the mappemonde of Sylvanus in his edition 
of Ptolemy in 1511. This represents in mid-ocean in the north 
Atlantic a large island, little resembling Newfoundland, how- 
ever, with a landlocked gulf to the west of it, shut in by a 
coast which in the north and south parts bends so as nearly to 
touch the island. That it is intended for Newfoundland and 
the neighboring parts admits of no question ; for the strange 
interior coast is considered to be the region of the Cortereal 
discoveries, since there is upon it a Latinized rendering of 
that name, Regalis Domus. Some explorations developing 
such a gulf, whether Denys's or those of others, must have 
already taken place, then, before 1511. After this date, for a 
score of years and more, this landlocked water absolutely dis- 
appears from all the maps which have come down to us, — 
nothing remaining but indications of its entrances by the 
Straits of Belle Isle and by the southern passage. 

France was now to find rivalry in these waters in the re- 
newed efforts of the Portuguese. The French had established 
a fishing-station in Bradore Bay, just within the Straits of 
Belle Isle, which they called Brest. This was early in the 
century ; but its precise date is difficult to determine. Show- 
ing some of the activity of the Portuguese, we have a chart of 
that people, of not far from 1520, which indicates that they 
had looked within the gulf both at the north and at the south, 
but not far enough to discover its open and extensive channels. 
If we are to believe the interpretation which some have put 
upon a voyage ascribed to Joam Alvarez Fagundes at this 
time, the Portuguese had attained far more knowledge of this 



inner gulf than this anonymous chart indicates. Indeed, a 
map, made in 1563 hy Lazaro Luis, has been put forward as 
indicating just what Fagundes had done ; and this clearly 
gives him the credit of unveiling the hydrography of the Gulf, 
so that his results might be considered to exceed in accuracy 
those of Cartier in his first voyage. This map of Luis makes 
the shores of the gulf complete, except a portion of the inner 
coast of Newfoundland, and even gives the St. Lawrence River 
for a long distance from its mouth. Being made forty years 
and more after Fagundes, the draughtsman had the tempta- 
tion to embody later results ; and the map naturally starts the 
question if this posterior knowledge was embodied in it or 
not. Since Bettencourt in his " Descobrimentos dos Portu- 
guezes " brought forward this map, in 1881-82, its pretensions 
in this respect have been studied, and often questioned ; but 
Dr. Patterson, a recent Nova Scotian writer, has advocated its 
claims ; and Harrisse in his last book, "The Discovery of North 
America," has committed himself to a belief in the Fagundes 
explorations, which he had before treated as very questionable. 
The unquestioned facts ai*e these : Ancient documents men- 
tion the voyage as being for the purpose of establishing a 
fishing-station. The Portuguese king had also promised Fa- 
gundes control by patent of the regions which in this tentative 
voyage he should discover. On Fagundes's return he reported 
what he had found ; and in accordance with his report, his 
king, March 13, 1521, granted to him these lands, supposed 
to be a new discovery. This patent describes them, presum- 
ably in accordance with Fagundes's report ; and it is this de- 
scription, taken in conjunction with the Luis map, which must 
enable us to say where Fagundes had been. 

The language of the patent, not as clear as we might wish, 
says that the coast which he had. found lay north of those 
known to the Spaniards and south of that visited by Cortereal, 
which would put it between Newfoundland and perhaps the 
Chesapeake, or possibly a region a little farther north than 
the Chesapeake. The assigned country includes, as the patent 
says, the Bay of Auguada, which contains three islands ; a 
stretch of coast where are other islands, which he had named 
St. John, St. Peter, St. Ann, St. Anthonj^, and an archipelago, 
also named by him the Eleven Thousand Virgins ; an island 
"close to the bank," which he called Santa Cruz, and a sec- 



9 

ond island called St. Ann. The patent closes with granting 
all these islands and lands to their discoverer. 

On a coast so crowded with islands and bays as that of 
Maine and New Brunswick, — apparently the "firm land" of 
the description, — we need more details than the patent gives 
us to determine beyond dispute the geographical correspond- 
ences of these names. The inscription " Lavrador q descobrio 
Joaom Alverez [Fagundes] " is on the Luis map, placed on the 
peninsula formed by the St. Lawrence Gulf and the Atlantic. 
This, in the opinion of Harrisse, requires the Baya d' Auguada, 
which is described as having a northeast and southwest ex- 
tension, to be none other than the St. Lawrence Gulf. That 
writer is convinced that the bay was named the Watering 
Bay, because Fagundes must have gone through it to the out- 
let of its great river to fill his water-casks. He also allows 
that the three islands of this bay may possibly have been 
Prince Edward, Anticosti, and Orleans ; since these islands in 
the Luis map are all colored yellow, like a Portuguese escutch- 
eon placed on the map. This, however,' would have carried 
Fagundes up the St. Lawrence River farther than he is in- 
clined to believe ; and he would rather substitute for the 
island of Orleans the Magdalen group or some peninsula of 
the gulf mistaken for an island. Harrisse also applies rather 
neatly what may be termed the " liturgical " test in respect to 
all the names mentioned in the patent; and he finds that the 
corresponding saints' days in the Roman calendar run from 
June 21 to October 21. This would seem to indicate that it 
was in the summer and autumn, probably in 1520, when these 
names were applied, in accordance with a habit, common with 
explorers in those days, of naming landmarks after the saint 
on whose day they were discovered. Another proof of the 
voyage, also worked out by the same writer, is that names 
which appear on no map antedating this patent are later 
found for this coast on the maps known by the name of 
Maiollo (1527), Verrazano (1529), Viegas (1534), Harleyan 
(1542), Cabot (1544), Freire (1546), and Descelliers (1550). 

This is the nature of the evidence which makes Harrisse 
give a map, tracking the progress of Fagundes from the time 
he passed near the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon. By this 
it would appear that he coasted north the west shore of New- 
foundland, and at the Straits of Belle Isle turned and followed 



10 

the Labrador coast well within the St. Lawrence River, and 
then returning, skirted the New Brunswick coast, that of 
Prince Edward's Island, Cape Breton, and Nova Scotia to the 
entrance of the Bay of Fundy, where he bore away seaward, 
and returned to Portugal. Few, we suspect, will accept this 
route of Fagundes as proved. Most will be content to ac- 
knowledge the fact of an acquaintance with the gulf and 
its neighboring waters rather than such an extent of the 
acquaintance. 

The advocates of these Portuguese anticipations of Cartier 
point to the melons and cucumbers which that navigator 
found among the natives of the gulf region as indicating 
that Europeans had left the seeds of such fruits among them. 
They also think that Cartier's own recitals leave the impres- 
sion that the Indians of the St. Lawrence had before his ad- 
vent become used to European contact. It is known, however, 
that the Indians of the interior had long been used to resort 
to the shores of the gulf and its vicinity during the summer 
season ; and it is not unlikely that by this habit, as well as by 
a common custom of intertribal communication, the ways of 
Europeans were not unknown in the interior. 

A belief in a comparatively short stretch of unknown sea 
separating the Azores from Cathay had been no small induce- 
ment to Columbus to make his hazardous voyage. Now that 
the land to the west had proved so far a barrier to a farther 
westward way, it was in turn no small inducement to those 
prompted to pierce this barrier to believe that the land which 
confronted them was even narrower than the ocean had been 
thought to be. Balboa had proved how narrow the land was 
at Panama, and Cortes had shown that it was not wide in 
Mexico. How wide was it farther north ? 

Columbus had suspected that South America was of con- 
tinental extent, because of the great volume of water which 
the Orinoco poured into the Gulf of Paria. Ships when out 
of sight of land had filled their water-casks from the water 
poured out by the Amazon, which told of an immense inland 
drainage. None of the early navigators remarked upon any- 
thing of the kind at the north. The flow of the Mississippi 
did not seem to impress them as indicating an enormous 
valley towards its source. The early maps given to portray- 



11 

ing its supposed system of drainage represent it as very scant. 
On the eastern seaboard of the northern continent the Alle- 
ghany range rendered it impossible for any river to have a 
very large volume of water. It was only when one got as 
far north as the St. Lawrence Gulf, and even into its inner 
reaches, that evidence such as had been indicative on the 
coast of South America could have suggested a vast con- 
tinental area at the north. Therefore, before this revelation 
was made in the St. Lawrence River, it is not strange that 
there were current views against the continental character of 
the region lying north of the Mexican gulf and west of the 
country discovered by Cabot and the Cortereals. Some would 
believe that it was no continent at all, but only an immense 
archipelago, filled with passages if they could only be found. 
Coppo had mapped it in this way in 1525. Others had fol- 
lowed Oviedo in supposing that the land at the north, at one 
place at least, was as narrow as it was at Panama ; for this 
historian in 1526, in his " Sumario," had first given published 
indication of what was for many years following known as the 
Sea of Verrazano. This expanse of water was imagined to 
fill the space now known to be occupied by the two great 
valleys of the upper Mississippi and the great lakes ; while its 
easternmost waves nearly broke through the land, to mingle 
its waters with the Atlantic somewhere along the eastern 
seaboard of the present United States. 

The supposition of this mysterious sea arose from an inter- 
pretation of Verrazano's experiences on the coast in 1524, 
which constitute the first decided and official manifestation 
of French activity in the new regions. This navigator is sup- 
posed to have become acquainted with the coast from Spanish 
Florida to the seaboard of Maine ; and his explorations were 
held at different times to be the basis of the French claim to 
territory in the New World. Freville, in his "Memoire" on the 
commerce of Rouen, prints a paper by Admiral Chabot, which 
shows that for a while it had been the intention of Francis I. 
to follow up this voyage of Verrazano. The political exi- 
gencies in which that French king found himself involved 
had caused delays ; and his attention was not again seriously 
given to such efforts until he commissioned Cartier ten years 
later. During this decade Verrazano's notion of this sea 
beyond the barrier had become the belief of a school of geog- 



r 






12 

raphers ; and the believers in it found it not difficult to count 
the chances good of reaching it by a strait at some point along 
the Atlantic coast. 

There have been two maps brought into prominence of late 
years, which reflect this belief. One is the map of Hieronomo 
da Verrazano, preserved in the College of the Propaganda at 
Rome, made not long after the vo} r age of that navigator by 
his brother. This chart shows this sea as a great watery 
wedge lying athwart the interior of the undeveloped North 
America, and pointing with its apex to a narrow strip of land 
somewhere in the latitude of Carolina. Indeed, one might 
suppose that the sailor brother of the cartographer had de- 
scribed to him a stretch of sea with an obscure distance, as 
he saw it above the dunes in the neighborhood of Cape 
Hatteras ; while the cartographer himself had given his fancy 
play in extending it to the west. The other map has been 
brought within ten years to help elucidate this transient faith 
in such a western sea. This second chart had long been 
known in the Ambrosian Library at Milan as the work of the 
Visconte Maggiolo (Maiollo) ; but its full import had not 
been suspected, since it bore the apparent date of 1587. The 
Abbe Ceriani had discovered its true date to be 1527, and 
that somebody had changed, in sport or in mischief, the 
figure 2 into 8. Signor Desimoni, the archivist of Genoa and 
our Corresponding Member, who was at this time working on 
the Verrazano problem, happening in the library, was struck 
with the coast lines and legends on the map as being similar 
to those of the Propaganda map, with which he was familiar ; 
and he first brought the Maggiolo map to the attention of 
students in 1882. 

The Sea of Verrazano is much the same in the two maps, 
and their delineations of this oceanic delusion marked for a 
good many years yet to come a prevailing opinion as to the 
kind of goal the searchers for a western passage were striving 
to reach. The same sea is found in the well-known English 
map of Michael Lok, published by Hakluyt so late as 1582, — 
or nearly forty years after the close of the series of explora- 
tions which Carrier conducted. 

While it is probable that such geographical conditions as this 
Sea of Verrazano supplied were a considerable incentive to 
Francis I. to renew his interest in explorations, the prob- 



lem was complicated by another view which an eminent 
German geographer had espoused, and which had already- 
been engaging attention for some ten years. The conditions 
of political and social life which Cortes had found in Mexico 
had revived the old hope that Cathay had at last been found ; 
and the reports of the conquerors which were sent to Europe, 
with all their exaggerations, were welcomed as far more 
nearly conforming, to the descriptions of Marco Polo than 
anything which had been discovered among the West Indies 
or on the South American coasts. If the region, then, which 
Cortes had subdued was in truth Asia, the ocean which 
Magellan had crossed made an independent continent of South 
America only ; while the northern spaces, instead of being an 
archipelago or a continental barrier, must be simply an eastern 
extension of Asia, and its coast must border on the north 
Atlantic. 

It is known, from the text of a little geographical treatise 
(1533) which has survived, that Schoner, a famous globe-maker 
of Germany, had made a terrestrial sphere in 1523 ; but it 
has not probably come down to us. Some gores which were 
discovered a few years ago have been held by Henry Stevens 
and others to belong to this globe ; but they delineate North 
America as a distinct continent, just as it was delineated in 
other globes by Schoner of an earlier date, which are well 
known. It is denied, however, by Nordenskiold, that these 
gores can be of so early a date as 1523, and he places them 
more than twenty years later. Harrisse has later still exam- 
ined the claim, and contends that the gores cannot possibly 
be those by Schoner of this date, because it seems apparent 
from his treatise that the globe of 1523 must have been made 
in accordance with the theory of an Asiatic extension for 
North America. If this was so, — and Harrisse's reasons are 
not without effect, — this theory of an Asiatic extension in 
North America is traced to Schoner as its originator, so far as 
is known. If it is a matter of contention as respects Schoner, 
it is certain as regards a little figure of a globe made by 
Franciscus Monachus in 1526, which unmistakably represents 
North America as a part of Asia. This theory got a firm 
advocate in Orontius Finseus in 1531, who, however, so far 
departed from the view held by Franciscus as to unite South 
America to the Northern continent by the Isthmus of Panama, 



^;t- 



14 



while the other had substituted a strait in place of that con- 
nection. This theory was made prominent in so well known 
a treatise as the " Novus Orbis " of Gryneeus, where the map 
of Orontius appeared ; and at intervals through that century 
and into the next, other expressions of this view appeared in 
prominent maps. 

If Cartier or his royal master had entertained the expecta- 
tion of his expedition penetrating into the heart of northern 
Asia when it started for the gulf back of Newfoundland, it is 
altogether probable that its equipment would not have been 
undertaken. It is far more likely that the faith which the 
earlier expedition of Verrazano had developed in the narrow- 
ness of the northern continent prevailed at Paris and St. Malo 
when Cartier started on his fateful voyage. 



NOTE. 

The Maiollo, or Maggiolo, map was first brought to the attention of American 
scholars by the late Mr. James Carson Brevoort in the " Magazine of American 
History," February and July, 1882. Signor Desimoni first gave a sketch of the 
North American parts in the " Atti " of the Societa Ligure di Storia Patria 
(Genoa, 1881), vol. xv. ; and this was reprinted in Appendice iii. of the Studio 
Secondo of his "Giovanni Verrazano" (Genoa, 1881). The sketch here given 
was reproduced on a smaller scale by Mr. Winsor in the " Narrative and Crit- 
ical History of America," vol. iv. p. 39 (1884); and this reduced reproduction 
was later used by Prof. E. N. Horsford in his "Discovery of America by the 
Northmen," .and in his "John Cabot's Landfall." Mr. A. J. Weise, in his 
" Discoveries in America to 1525" (New York, 1884), gave a reproduction from 
the original of both Americas ; and this afforded Mr. Winsor the outline which 
appears in the " Narrative and Critical History," vol. ii. p. 219. Meanwhile Dr. 
B. F. DeCosta, who had published his "Verrazano the Explorer" (New York, 
1880) before Desimoni had brought the Maiollo map forward, caused a negative 
to be made of the original on four glasses, which showed the whole world. This 
negative he gave in January, 1892, to the library of Harvard College. The two 
glasses which show America have been used in the accompanying reproduction. 
Since De Costa's negatives were made, another of the American parts has been 
used by Harrisse in the reproduction given in his " Discovery of North America " 
(London, 1892) ; and the North American parts have been delineated, but not 
in facsimile, in the Atlas of Kretschmer's " Entdeckung Amerika's " (Berlin, 
1892). 



FJ 






) 




AMERICAN SECTIONS OF THE MAIOLLO MAP, 1527. 








(I ) 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 563 764 2 % 



/ 






